Schapelle Corby: The drugs, the circus       and a long-awaited return



Australian drug trafficker Schapelle Corby, almost 40, is heading home from Indonesia for the first time in more than 12 years.
She lost her freedom, much of her youth and, it was feared, her sanity after she was caught carrying 4.2kg (9.3lb) of marijuana in her boogie board bag into Bali through Denpasar airport on 8 October 2004.
To the horror of many Australians, the former beauty school student who worked in her parents' fish and chip shop was sentenced to 20 years' jail in Bali's Kerobokan prison.
On Saturday, 12 years to the day after she was sentenced, Corby will be deported from Bali to start a new life at home on Queensland's Gold Coast.
Her sentence was televised live. Australians watched as Corby slapped her forehead repeatedly with her palm and dissolved into tears, while her supporters in the Denpasar Local Court erupted in anger.
But an Australian-based Indonesian law expert says the price could have been so much higher.
Corby's arrest caused one of the greatest rifts in the already testy history of Australian-Indonesian relations.
Many Australians reacted badly to the sight of the small, bronzed Queenslander with big, green eyes locked in a foreign jail for carrying "a bit of dope".
But Tim Lindsey, a professor in Asian law and director of the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society at the University of Melbourne's Melbourne Law School, says Corby's crime is among the most serious in Indonesian law.
He says in the 1970s the West, led by then US President Richard Nixon and his war on drugs, demanded South East Asian nations with more relaxed drug laws adopt a similar hard-line approach.
Australia, Canada and many EU nations have now backed away from that hard line, but Prof Lindsey says many countries maintain a punitive approach.
"In Indonesia in particular, they take the view that there is no distinction between marijuana and heroin and cocaine. All of those drugs are in category one, the most serious forms of drugs," he says.
"In Indonesia, the death sentence is available for dozens of offences, but is usually only applied to three - particularly serious, premeditated murders get death, terrorism gets death and drugs offences get death.
"Like other countries in South East Asia, in Indonesia trafficking drugs is seen as a form of mass murder [because of the deaths caused by drugs]."
Prof Lindsey says Corby's life was on the line when her trial began in the Denpasar Local Court in January 2005.



"She was certainly facing death. There are three penalties that could be imposed upon her: death, life in prison or up to 20 years in prison," he says.

In Australia, anti-Indonesian sentiment soared.
Sister Mercedes Corby and mother Rosleigh Rose held emotionally-charged media conferences in Bali, proclaiming Schapelle's innocence, demanding the Australian government bring Schapelle home, and floating theories about how the drugs came to be in her bag.
One theory suggested a corrupt baggage handler in Brisbane sent the shipment in Corby's bag, intending it to be intercepted in Sydney before the flight then headed for Denpasar.
But a former member of Corby's defence, Robin Tampoe, later declared that he had made up the theory himself.
Philip Ruddock, who was Australia's attorney-general when Corby was arrested, has said claims of a set-up lack evidence.
"You know, these were claims. It's never been proven that drugs were planted on her," he told the Australian Broadcasting Corp this week.
"I'm sure every endeavour was taken to establish the truth," he said, adding that "some parties might not like the truth".
At the time, Sydney radio shock jock Malcolm T. Elliott described the judges in Corby's case and then-Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as "monkeys". His inflammatory comments referred to the judges as "straight out of the trees".
Some questioned why Australia handed Indonesia a A$1bn (£577m; $750m) relief package following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami if this how a "young, innocent" Aussie girl was treated.
Actor Russell Crowe stepped into Corby's corner. "When there is such doubt, how can we, as a country, stand by and let a young lady, as an Australian, rot away in a foreign prison? That is ridiculous," he said in April 2005.
That same month, Indonesia's consulate-general in Perth received an envelope containing two bullets and a letter that read, in part: "If Schapelle Corby is not released immediately you will all receive one of these bullets through the brain."
Protests both for and against Corby raged in Australia and Indonesia.

Media circus

Prof Lindsey says the unprecedented saga did Corby no favours.
"A circus was whipped up around the case, with crowds of people pushing into proceedings, people yelling and screaming at judges, people abusing judges, people giving press conferences in which judges and the system were abused and attacked," he says.
Her defence team made little effort to displace the prosecution's case, Prof Lindsey says. "It was always very likely that she was going to be convicted," he says.
The behaviour of Corby and her supporters was also a major issue.
"She never admitted guilt - and maybe she didn't do it, I don't know - but she never acknowledged guilt. She never seemed remorseful in court, and she behaved in a highly emotional and sometimes offensive way to the court," Prof Lindsey says.
This counts for much in the Indonesian system come sentencing, he says.
Many Australians were angry at Corby's 20-year jail term, comparing it to the much lighter terms given to some of the minor players in the deadly 2002 Bali bombings, which killed 202 people including 88 Australians.
But Prof Lindsey says despite Indonesia's notoriously clunky legal system, Corby was treated fairly.
He says the judges knew the world was watching and "seemed to manage this case pretty much straight down the line".
"They were provoked sufficiently that they could have given her a very severe sentence," he says. "She got the maximum term of imprisonment below life. It's not life. It's not easy, but it could have been worse."

Appeals and sideshows

A series of appeals between July 2005 and March 2008 ultimately failed to improve Corby's situation.
Her sentence was cut by five years in an October 2005 appeal, but the defence and prosecution appealed that, and the 20-year sentence was reinstated.
One appeal opened in August 2006, with Corby's defence saying CCTV footage from Sydney Airport the day she travelled to Bali would clear her. They were given 10 days to produce it but did not.
If the Corby circus wasn't enough, the sideshows were spectacular and damaged Corby's credibility with her Australian supporters.



In 2005, before her sentence, Queensland businessman Ron Bakir announced he would fund Corby's defence and had retained a law firm to investigate the source of the marijuana in Corby's bag.

He cut ties with the Corby team after alleging a prosecutor had asked for a bribe to reduce the sentence his team would request for Corby. It incensed Corby's legal team, most of whom were later sacked in dramatic and public fashion anyway.
Her half-brother James Kisina, who was with her when she was arrested, was revealed to have criminal convictions, while Mercedes Corby won a defamation case after a television network aired an interview with a family friend.
Other claims surfaced that Corby's father, Michael, had alleged dealings with the drugs trade. He died of bowel cancer in 2008. That year, Corby was admitted to hospital twice suffering from depression.
In 2010, Corby appealed to President Yudhoyono for clemency and her release on humanitarian grounds because of her mental health. He cut her term by five years and, Prof Lindsey says, endured great public criticism and failed legal moves to reverse his decision.
Corby was released on parole in February 2014, nine years and four months after her arrest thanks to Mr Yudhoyono's clemency and regular sentence discounts for Christmas and Indonesian Independence Day.
Mr Lindsey says she was "treated in a reasonable fashion as a drug trafficker in the context of the Indonesian legal system".
Corby has kept a low profile since she was paroled. For now, she lives in a modern villa in Kuta.
Celebrity PR agent Max Markson says Corby could cash in once she comes home, although it is not clear what role Australia's Proceeds of Crime laws might play.
"Schapelle Corby's name has been famous for 12 or 13 years, she's a brand, there's no doubt about it," he said last week. Reality TV and invitations to big events like the Melbourne Cup beckon, he says.
There are reports Corby wants to stay in Bali with her local boyfriend Ben Panangian and her dogs. If she's deported, it's likely she'll be barred from returning for six months.
Prof Lindsey says it's unlikely she'll get to stay. "But nothing has been normal in this case," he says.
BBC

    The Canary Girls: The workers the war       turned yellow



The sacrifice of soldiers killed during World Wars One and Two is well-documented. But the efforts of munitions workers stained yellow by toxic chemicals is a story much less told. A campaign now hopes to honour the so-called Canary Girls, who risked life and limb to supply ammunition to the frontline.
In 1915, while men were fighting on the battlefields, thousands of women were answering the government's cry for help by joining the war effort.
In their droves they signed up to fill the gaps left by those called into service, taking jobs in transport, engineeringmills and factories to keep the country moving.
But while those who swapped domestic life for the assembly line were spared the trauma of the trenches, their jobs were nonetheless fraught with danger.
Munitions workers battling the "shell crisis" of 1915 were prime targets for enemy fire, with sites routinely flattened by enemy bombs.
Those who were spared such a fate were no less safe, facing daily peril by handling explosive chemicals that carried the risk of them contracting potentially fatal diseases.
And for some, the effects of their work were immediately visible; a lurid shade of yellow that stained their skin and hair and earned them a nickname - the Canary Girls.
Canary girls workingImage copyrightPAULA KATE
Image captionThousands of women were drafted in to tackle the shell crisis
"We were like a canary," said Nancy Evans, recalling her time at the Rotherwas factory in Herefordshire during World War Two.
"We were yellow, it penetrated your skin. Your hair turned blonde and on the top of the crown was the proper colour of your hair."
Though temporary, the affects of packing shells with trinitrotoluene - more commonly known as TNT - ran more than skin-deep.
According to Dr Helen McCartney, from King's College London, some workers gave birth to "bright yellow" babies.
Gladys Sangster, whose mother worked at National Filling Factory Number 9 near Banbury, Oxford, was one of them.
"I was born [during the war] and my skin was yellow," she told the BBC. "That's why we were called Canary Babies.
"Nearly every baby was born yellow. It gradually faded away. My mum told me you took it for granted, it happened and that was it."
Munitions postersImage copyrightHULTON ARCHIVE
Image captionLife in munitions was "hot... sweaty... dirty - women did not want the job," says Amy Dale
As well as suffering the cosmetic consequences of working with TNT, workers risked amputation with every shell that passed through their hands.
Amy Dale, who is researching munitions factories for her PhD, said those at Royal Ordnance Filling factories (ROFs) risked losing fingers and hands, burns and blindness.
"In these factories, they would take the casing, fill it with powder, then put a detonator in the top and that had to be tapped down. If they tapped too hard, it would detonate," she said.
"It happened to one lady, who was pregnant at the time, and it blinded her and she lost both her hands.
"She saw the pregnancy through, but the only way she could identify the baby was with her lips, which still had feeling."
Canary girlsImage copyrightHEREFORDSHIRE COUNCIL
Image captionRotherwas in Herefordshire employed 4,000 women at its peak
Explosions were a common occurrence, with fatal blasts reported at factories in Ashton-under-Lyne, Barnbow near Leeds, and Chilwell in Nottinghamshire.
Such were fears that a rogue spark caused by static might lead to an explosion that women were banned from wearing nylon and silk.
Nellie Bagley, whose first shift at Rotherwas in 1940 was on her 18th birthday, remembers having to strip down to her underwear to be inspected.
"You took everything off and you had just your bra and if it had a metal clip on the back you couldn't wear it... and no hair grips of course, because they would caused friction... explosions."
The women operated in a tense atmosphere, heavy with the weight of government fears that information could fall into the wrong hands.
Posters papered the walls bearing slogans such as "Keep Mum She's Not So Dumb" to deter talk among workers.
"They were everywhere, [the word] 'war' with a big ear on it and 'Gossip Costs Lives'," remembered Mrs Bagley.
"You were aware all the time of being watched."
War posterImage copyrightIMPERIAL WAR MUSEUM
But even in the darkest of moments, there remained a sense of workforce camaraderie.
"When we were on nights they used to say 'Come on Lou, get us started singing'," said Louisa Jacobs, 94.
"We would sing from night to the early hours of the morning. It kept us going because we didn't realise the danger we were working in."
Fellow Rotherwas worker, Amy Hicks, added: "We would be singing, even when the bombs fell."
And fall they did. In 1942, the Rotherwas factory was attacked by the Luftwaffe, which dropped a pair of 250kg bombs on the 300-acre site.
Nancy Billings, who was coming to the end of a night shift, survived the blast.
Image copyrightD M GILBERT
Image captionThe Rotherwas factory was bombed in 1942
"It was about 6am and the girl next to me had said, 'I'm so tired I could sleep forever'. Then all of a sudden the siren went off.
"This plane came down so low you could see the big black cross on it and then the bomb dropped. It had a direct hit.
"There was [numerous] girls killed in there. It always comes to me about the girl working next to me, because she was one that didn't get out."Of those who survived life in the factories, many were beset with health problems in later life.
Some reported bone disintegration, while others developed throat problems and dermatitis from TNT staining.
"The women suffered all sorts of illnesses and ailments from turning yellow, but turning yellow was probably the least of their problems," said Dr McCartney.
"They accepted all sort of terrible working conditions, they knew they were putting themselves in danger - TNT was yellow, they saw what was happening.
"But there's evidence that it was seen as a patriotic act… as them doing their bit for the war effort."
Others suffered more sinister illnesses - one of the most serious being a liver disease called toxic jaundice.
There were 400 cases of the disease during World War One - a quarter of which were fatal, said historian Anne Spurgeon.
"There was the yellow that was the staining of the skin, which while unpleasant, wasn't fatal or a serious disease.
"But there was this liver disease that was a different yellow.
"When they had repeated exposure to TNT, it attacked the liver. It was a poison and caused anaemia and jaundice."
In 1914, it was discovered TNT was poisonous and the following year, toxic jaundice became a notifiable disease.
Health and safety measures in factories were stepped up to limit exposure, such as providing protective clothing, but only so much could be done to eradicate the risks.
"[The government] wasn't ignoring it, they were trying to do something about it within the limits of their knowledge at the time," said Dr Spurgeon.
"But [TNT] was what had to go into the shells, so they had to use i
About a million women worked at thousands of Ministry of Munitions sites during both world wars.
But the number of those killed or seriously injured in the line of duty is a mystery - something Ms Dale is trying to find out as part of her research.
"It was a really dangerous job, which I think is why so little is known about it," she said.
"Women weren't allowed anywhere near a gun, yet they were filling shells in factories.
"They were actively engaged in an act of war which I think made people uncomfortable."
A campaign led by BBC Hereford and Worcester hopes to see records of how many workers died released, as well as cement the place of munitions workers in war history.
The project has already been discussed at Prime Minister's Questions and there are plans to unveil a statue at the National Arboretum in Staffordshire
But Ms Billings said she had always felt the sacrifices made by the so-called munitionettes should have been recognised.
"I do think [we] should've got a medal for what [we] did, I've always thought that. And we should've got a letter from the Queen.
"It was a very dangerous job and it affected [our] health."
For the relatives of those who worked at Rotherwas, which had 4,000 woman at its peak, recognition has been a long time coming.
"It was such a dangerous job," said Mrs Hicks's daughter, Jenny Swiffield. "It was as dangerous as going up and flying and dropping bombs.
"I'm [proud] and I think anyone would be if their parents had done something like that."
BBC

  How Facebook's tentacles reach further     than you think



Vladan JolerImage copyrightSHARE LAB
Image captionVladan Joler says that all Facebook users are effectively working on behalf of the company

Facebook's collection of data makes it one of the most influential organisations in the world. Share Lab wanted to look "under the bonnet" at the tech giant's algorithms and connections to better understand the social structure and power relations within the company.
A couple of years ago, Vladan Joler and his brainy friends in Belgrade began investigating the inner workings of one of the world's most powerful corporations.
The team, which includes experts in cyber-forensic analysis and data visualisation, had already looked into what he calls "different forms of invisible infrastructures" behind Serbia's internet service providers.
But Mr Joler and his friends, now working under a project called Share Lab, had their sights set on a bigger target.
"If Facebook were a country, it would be bigger than China," says Mr Joler, whose day job is as a professor at Serbia's Novi Sad University.
He reels off the familiar, but still staggering, numbers: the barely teenage Silicon Valley firm stores some 300 petabytes of data, boasts almost two billion users, and raked in almost $28bn (£22bn) in revenues in 2016 alone.
And yet, Mr Joler argues, we know next to nothing about what goes on under the bonnet - despite the fact that we, as users, are providing most of the fuel - for free.
"All of us, when we are uploading something, when we are tagging people, when we are commenting, we are basically working for Facebook," he says.

Part of a flow chart mapping the connections of Mark ZuckerbergImage copyrightSHARE LAB
Image captionPart of a huge flow chart mapping the influence and connections of Mark Zuckerberg

The data our interactions provide feeds the complex algorithms that power the social media site, where, as Mr Joler puts it, our behaviour is transformed into a product.
Trying to untangle that largely hidden process proved to be a mammoth task.
"We tried to map all the inputs, the fields in which we interact with Facebook, and the outcome," he says.
"We mapped likes, shares, search, update status, adding photos, friends, names, everything our devices are saying about us, all the permissions we are giving to Facebook via apps, such as phone status, wifi connection and the ability to record audio."
All of this research provided only a fraction of the full picture. So the team looked into Facebook's acquisitions, and scoured its myriad patent filings.
The results were astonishing.
Visually arresting flow charts that take hours to absorb fully, but which show how the data we give Facebook is used to calculate our ethnic affinity (Facebook's term), sexual orientation, political affiliation, social class, travel schedule and much more.

Share Lab flow chartImage copyrightSHARE LAB
Image captionShare Lab presents its information in minutely detailed tables and flow charts

One map shows how everything - from the links we post on Facebook, to the pages we like, to our online behaviour in many other corners of cyber-space that are owned or interact with the company (Instagram, WhatsApp or sites that merely use your Facebook log-in) - could all be entering a giant algorithmic process.
And that process allows Facebook to target users with terrifying accuracy, with the ability to determine whether they like Korean food, the length of their commute to work, or their baby's age.
Another map details the permissions many of us willingly give Facebook via its many smartphone apps, including the ability to read all text messages, download files without permission, and access our precise location.
Individually, these are powerful tools; combined they amount to a data collection engine that, Mr Joler argues, is ripe for exploitation.
"If you think just about cookies, just about mobile phone permissions, or just about the retention of metadata - each of those things, from the perspective of data analysis, are really intrusive."

More Technology of Business


Facebook has for years asserted that data privacy and the security of its operations are paramount. Facebook data, for example, cannot be used by developers to create surveillance tools and the firm says it complies with privacy protection laws in all countries. Thousands of new staff have been recruited to police its content.
Mr Joler, though, while admitting that his research made him a little paranoid about the information that was being harvested, is more worried about the longer term.
The data will remain in the hands of one company. Even if its current leaders are responsible and trustworthy, what about those in charge in 20 years?

Facebook data centre in SwedenImage copyrightAFP
Image captionFacebook's data centre in Sweden was the first that the social media giant opened outside the US

Analysts say Share Lab's work is valuable and impressive. "It's probably the most comprehensive work mapping Facebook that I've ever seen," says Dr Julia Powles, an expert in technology law and policy at Cornell Tech.
"[The research] shows in cold and calculated terms how much we are giving away for the value of being able to communicate with your mates," she says.
The scale of Facebook's reach can be stated in raw numbers - but Share Lab's maps make it visceral, in a way that drawing parallels cannot.
"We haven't really got appropriate historical analogies for the tech giants," explains Dr Powles. Their powers, she continues, extend "far beyond" the likes of the East India Company and monopolies of old, such as Standard Oil.
And while many may consider the objectives of Mark Zuckerberg's empire to be rather benign, its outcomes are not always so.
Facebook, argues Dr Powles, "plays to our base psychological impulses" by valuing popularity above all else.

Man looking at matrix on computersImage copyrightISMAGILOV
Image captionExperts say there are no historical analogies for the power that today's tech giants hold

Not that she expects Share Lab's research to lead to a mass Facebook exodus, or a dramatic increase in the scrutiny of tech titans.
"What is most striking is the sense of resignation, the impotence of regulation, the lack of options, the public apathy," says Dr Powles. "What an extraordinary situation for an entity that has power over information - there is no greater power really."
It is this extraordinary dominance that the Share Lab team set out to illustrate. But Mr Joler is quick to point out that even their grand maps cannot provide an accurate picture of the social media giant's capabilities.
There is no guarantee, for example, that there are not many other algorithms at work that are still heavily guarded trade secrets.
However, Mr Joler argues, "it is still the one and only map that exists" of one of the greatest forces shaping our world today.
Citation :- BBC

Apple to scan iPhones for child sex abuse images

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